“It’s Better to Speak About Shared Trauma Than About Colonialism”

As global support for Ukraine weakens and Russia deepens its foothold across Africa, Ukraine’s diplomatic efforts are turning toward building genuine, strategic partnerships beyond Europe. Ambassador Liubov Abravitova, who until July 2025 serves as Ukraine’s envoy to South Africa and the wider region, offers a bold vision in which Ukraine presents itself not as a recipient of help, but as a capable partner – on security, energy, food systems, and democratic cooperation.

How has Ukraine’s foreign policy toward Africa – and South Africa in particular – evolved since the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022? What are the priorities and key challenges in building stronger ties with countries on the continent?

“In 2022, Ukraine’s diplomatic and economic presence in Africa was uneven and varied significantly from country to country. You cannot speak of Ukraine’s relationship with Africa as a whole; rather, you must assess it on a regional or even country-by-country basis. Historically, Ukraine had long-standing and stable ties with many African states, dating back to its support for liberation movements and educational exchanges during the Soviet period and continuing through Ukraine’s independence. In fact, by 2022, around 9,000 African students were studying in Ukraine.

However, since 2013–2014, when the war with Russia began, there has been a stagnation in Ukraine’s relations with many African countries. In the case of South Africa, this meant a significant drop in trade and a general political disengagement. There was a notable pause in bilateral relations, which resulted in a generational shift – political actors started to forget or even misunderstand the importance of the Ukraine–South Africa partnership.

Having served in South Africa since 2017, I witnessed first-hand the hesitation from both the political establishment and media when it came to building dialogue with Ukraine. Many were simply waiting for the Ukraine–Russia situation to resolve itself. Then came 2022, and South Africa found itself at a difficult crossroads: international law was clearly violated, democracy came under threat, and the Russian invasion triggered ripple effects such as food insecurity, which affected the entire region.

As a regional leader, South Africa is particularly impacted by crises in neighbouring countries – many of which face environmental stress due to droughts or floods exacerbated by climate change. The war created further instability, fuelling migration to South Africa. All this made the war in Ukraine not only a European issue, but a regional security concern for Africa as well.

Since 2022, we have seen an evolution – it’s like a snowball that must keep rolling. For that, Ukraine needs a stronger presence: diplomatic, economic, and institutional. We also need funding – not only from Ukraine, but from partners, and, crucially, coordination. We need clarity on what we are doing, what we hope to achieve, and by when. Our priorities are growing alongside our engagements, and we are working on building a reliable legal foundation for our partnerships, one that reflects the realities of today’s world, including digitalisation and artificial intelligence. This adaptability is essential. That is where we stand today.”

When you talked about EU support for Ukraine and the existing platforms, do you still see Ukraine primarily as a recipient in that collaboration process? Or is Ukraine already able to be a platform-setter itself – offering its own perspective and contributions? Also, are you working with EU country embassies or EU delegations on the ground on some of these initiatives? Or are they a bit more hesitant, possibly too busy to actively collaborate with the Ukrainian embassy?

“Definitely, I don’t see Ukraine as a recipient – we moved past that stage a long time ago. Ukraine is fully capable of having its own platforms. At the same time, we are responsible enough to consider not only our national goals but also those of the broader European family. That means any support coming from our partners is not charity; it is an investment in their own security and shared future, just as they invest in their own embassies.

We work closely with all EU member states and the EU delegations in every country where Ukraine is represented. Our embassy in South Africa now covers eight countries in the region, including newly opened missions in Botswana and Mozambique. However, due to limited staff, countries like Namibia, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Mauritius, and Madagascar are still under the responsibility of our South African mission. That’s why we rely on cooperation with EU embassies – not just for coordination, but to ensure we don’t miss valuable opportunities available in the region.

We are no longer passive recipients of help. If we collaborate with a country like Lithuania, and they offer a platform to discuss issues such as constitutionalism, multilateralism, or the abduction of Ukrainian children by Russia, we ensure that this is presented as a joint Ukraine–Lithuania initiative. Two flags, one message – this partnership is visible, and relevant to South Africa too.

We have outgrown the recipient role. Just as Ukraine is the frontline of Europe’s security against totalitarianism, we also have a role to play in Africa – albeit from a different angle. Ironically, when Russia invaded Ukraine, it placed Ukraine on Africa’s geopolitical map. The invasion exposed Moscow’s false narratives and made many African countries realise Ukraine’s importance. As a result, Ukraine is now increasingly perceived as a leader in food and energy security. For example, today I’m meeting the South African Deputy Minister of Energy – she’s coming to me, not the other way around.

Ukraine has proven its strength and resilience. We should be proud of that, and our European partners should recognise that Ukraine can be their gateway to Africa. I do not like to use the word ‘investment’ – perhaps it's a language thing – but Europe must contribute to this joint effort if it wants it to grow.

Moreover, Russia’s invasion catalysed new civil society collaborations between South Africa and Ukraine. South Africa’s peacebuilding skills and experience in conflict resolution can be applied alongside Ukraine’s and Europe’s to promote peace globally. If we want to move toward real multilateralism, and we all know the UN is struggling, we must create new, effective platforms for peace.

Europe must leverage Ukraine’s new image in Africa. For example, no one in Africa blames European or Belarusian companies for the fertiliser shortage. They say, ‘Russia invaded Ukraine, and now Ukraine cannot supply us.’ Ukraine has become the brand. Europe should use that rather than try to build something from scratch.

So yes, there are countless ideas and opportunities. The key takeaway from our conversation today should be that the EU must identify clear directions and coordinate them with both Ukraine and Africa. Only then can we make meaningful progress. Africa needs strong support to become self-sufficient, and if we fail to help, it will have consequences for Europe’s own security.”

South Africa has taken a nuanced stance on the war in Ukraine. How would you describe Ukraine’s current diplomatic relationship with the Republic of South Africa, and what steps are being taken to strengthen mutual understanding? And since you cover eight countries, are others more open to collaboration with Ukraine?

“It’s a good question, and you’re right to point out that every country is different. It’s difficult to generalise, and it would take a long time to speak about each one in detail. But I can say that countries like Zambia, which recently visited Ukraine with a group of leaders and continued political dialogue with us afterward, have shown a deeper understanding of what engagement with Ukraine can look like. In countries where we have less engagement, we clearly need to work more, in order to identify shared interests and build trust. 

South Africa has learned the importance of diversifying its partnerships. Still, I’ve found that in societies like South Africa, it's best not to speak too directly about partnerships or comparisons – especially not in a competitive tone. Even though we are under aggression and Russia is our enemy, I deliberately avoid saying ‘we can do better than Russia’ or pushing Ukraine as a replacement. Since 2022, I’ve learned that our best tool is soft power – showcasing what Ukraine has to offer, then letting our partners make the choice for themselves. 

In the end, numbers speak for themselves. When African countries look at trade statistics, Russia doesn’t even make the top ten in many cases. And due to the consequences of its war against Ukraine, Russia simply doesn’t have the capacity to offer much today. African countries know this, we do not need to push the message hard.

Instead, they are looking for sustainable, predictable partnerships. And that’s where we come in. Many African countries are watching Ukraine to see what we are transforming into. Our goal is to rebuild a strong, democratic, self-sufficient country with the same democratic values many African nations share. There is a place for African partners in that journey.

If they’re ready, they have the chance to be proactive and engage. Even if they’re not in a position to collaborate right now or if their business sector isn’t state-run – which can be a good thing –, economic activity can lead the government in the right direction once opportunities arise.”

How does Ukraine’s postcolonial experience and its current struggle for sovereignty resonate in Africa? Can Ukraine leverage this shared history to build trust and solidarity with African nations?

“That’s quite a philosophical question, and one I have thought about a lot, especially at the beginning of the full-scale invasion. We had to find ways to make our historical trauma understandable to our partners in Africa.

I found it difficult to frame that story in terms of colonialism, because Africa owns that narrative. It is theirs. When other parts of the world, like Asia or the former USSR, also try to claim a colonial experience, it’s not always received well.

Instead, I’ve found that it’s more effective to speak about trauma and how we address it. When we talk about our shared experience of trauma, without needing to define or label it, we start to connect. This is the approach that could work best, especially through civil society organisations.

What’s missing right now are structured platforms to support this kind of exchange. We need institutions, like the Ukraine Institute or Ukraine House, to exist in South Africa, and vice versa. We’ve both reached the point where our countries are ready for meaningful cultural collaboration.

We know Ukrainian filmmakers are winning awards, and Nigeria has one of the biggest film industries in the world. But no one has thought to bring those communities together. And yet, the potential is right there. It’s through these cultural and creative exchanges that we can address difficult histories.

Take the diamond issue, for example. That conversation was changed globally because of a single film about blood diamonds. If it worked once, it could work again. Now, we’re seeing feedback from African countries that are ready to engage but they may be concerned about lacking the resources.

That’s where we need to step up to show that it’s not so hard, that it’s doable. But Ukraine will also need European support in making these initiatives happen. That said, the change is already underway. African countries are now turning toward Ukraine. At the very least, they are ready to listen.

I remember back in 2018, during the incident in the Azov Sea [in which Russia attacked and captured three ships of the Ukrainian navy – SoSh], we tried to hold a press conference in South Africa about Russia’s violations of maritime law. Maybe three people came, and not a single article was published. No one was interested. But now? The entire story has changed.”

Could you tell me more about the actual engagements happening between civil society, the business sector, and local communities?

“When President Zelensky visited South Africa, he was asking practical questions: ‘Do we need to sign another agreement? We keep signing things, but they often don’t work. Maybe we need to focus on more practical cooperation.’

That is why I believe that legal frameworks and government-supported platforms are essential. These provide a safer and more stable environment for civil society, business, and political engagement. For example, even though our trade turnover with South Africa is relatively modest – about $113 million a year – it is still higher than with some EU countries. We import more than we export, which shows that South Africa is still trading with Ukraine despite the war. That’s already a success story.

We are also thinking strategically. President Zelensky has talked about creating fertiliser hubs in South Africa to help address climate challenges. But for that, we will need broader partnerships. The idea is to do good not just for Ukraine, but for sustainability in Africa as well.

There are also ongoing conversations around establishing grain hubs and scientific collaborations. Ukraine’s expertise with drones for agriculture and border security presents huge opportunities. Even in education, our partnerships are still active – they just need redirection. For some countries, it’s less about ‘digitalisation’ and more about optimising processes. We want to share Ukraine’s experience and apply it to African development.

We recently signed a memorandum of collaboration during the First Lady’s visit to South Africa to establish Ukrainian Studies at local universities. This is not about learning facts about Ukraine but learning from our lived experiences. That’s a powerful instrument, and I hope it continues.

We also need to grow our diplomatic presence. It’s not just about political dialogue anymore. Diplomats are now also facilitators for scientific and economic processes. When Ukrainians themselves speak in African countries, it changes the perception. It prevents us from being seen as proxies of someone else.

There are many cultural projects underway. We’re even on the verge of establishing a think tank between our countries. When I arrived in South Africa in 2017, there were almost no platforms where I could speak about Ukraine. Even Eastern Europe was largely absent from public discourse.

But there is still a huge gap to fill, and the embassy can only show the direction. The actual development of these collaborations is beyond our formal responsibilities, but we fully support and encourage it.”